Appendix and Acknowledgements

Appendix 1: Terminology

‘Night Time Economy’, ‘Evening and Night Time Economy’, and ‘Twilight, Evening and Night Time Economy’

The term Night Time Economy (NTE) is used in this report for brevity whilst recognising that in some studies the terms Evening and Night Time Economy,1Thomas, C. and Bromley, R. (2000), City-centre Revitalisation: Problems of Fragmentation and Fear in the Evening and Night-time City, Urban Studies, 37, 8, pp. 1403-1429. Hadfield, P., Sharples, S., Bevan, T. & Measham, F. (2015), Westminster Evening and Night-time Economy Behaviour Audit, 2015 Full Technical Report, Final Report to the City of Westminster, pp.1-125. Twilight and Night Time Economy2Roberts, M. (2006), From ‘creative city’ to ‘no-go areas’ – The expansion of the night-time economy in British town and city centres, Cities, 23, 5, pp.331-338. and other variations are used in the academic and policy literature. In recent years and with the advent of ’24 hour cities’, nightclubs have also operated as daytime dance venues, with a growth in ‘after clubs’ and ‘breakfast clubs’, as well as most recently, nightclubs operating predominantly during daytime hours. Notably the newly opened Printworks, currently the largest dance club in London, has usual operating hours of 11am to 11pm. The benefits of such daytime operations are that drug and alcohol use appears to be lower than at night time dance events, public transport is more easily available to customers, and local residents are less obstructive regarding noise, traffic and footfall concerns.

‘Club Drugs’, ‘Dance Drugs’ and ‘Party Drugs’

The history of the terminology used to describe the drugs consumed in the night time economy itself reflects the history of the nightclub and also the history of the academic study of the subject, from acid house parties and raves to club cultures. Initially the term ‘dance drugs’ was used to describe the drugs taken by people when dancing at acid house and rave events.3Measham, F., Aldridge J. and Parker, H. (2001), Dancing On Drugs: Risk, health and hedonism in the British club scene, London: Free Association Books. Measham, F., Parker, H. and Aldridge, J. (1998), The Teenage Transition: From adolescent recreational drug use to the young adult dance culture in Britain in the mid-1990s, Journal of Drug Issues, 28 (1): 9-33. During the late 1990s, there was a switch in terminology from ‘dance drugs’ to ‘club drugs’ in recognition that people were taking drugs within nightclub settings and not just at outdoor and unlicensed raves and warehouse parties.4Shapiro, H. (1999), Dances with Drugs: Pop Music, Drugs and Youth Culture, in Nigel South (ed.), Cultures, Controls & Everyday Life, London: Sage. In the UK this shift in terminology from ‘dance drugs’ to ‘club drugs’ in part was a reflection of the shift in location (with raves moving from the fields to indoor nightclubs and ‘super clubs’ after the 1994 Criminal Justice and Public Order Act). It also reflected the expansion in the palette of drugs consumed across clubbing weekends from the ‘primary dance drugs’ (ecstasy, amphetamines and LSD) of the early acid house and rave scene, to also include ‘secondary dance drugs’ (such as ketamine, cannabis, GHB/GBL and Viagra) from the late 1990s onwards, for which the primary motive might not be to enhance dancing. Increasingly ‘dance drugs’ did not seem an appropriate term for this growing range of drugs taken across the course of a clubbing weekend and not necessarily to facilitate prolonged dancing.5Measham, F. and Moore, K. (2009), Repertoires of Distinction: Exploring patterns of weekend polydrug use within local leisure scenes across the English night time economy, Criminology and Criminal Justice, 9 (4): 437-464. As dance club culture itself expanded and commercialised from the mid 1990s onwards, so it also established itself as a legitimate area of academic study – after a due time lag in academic and policy recognition – coming to be known as ‘Club Studies’ in the 2000s.6Measham, F. and Moore, K. (2006), Reluctant Reflexivity, Implicit Insider Knowledge and the Development of Club Studies, in Sanders, B. (ed), Drugs, Clubs and Young People: Sociological and Public Health Perspectives, Ashgate, pp. 13-25. More recent, and particularly outside the UK, the term ‘party drugs’ has come to be favoured in recognition of the wider locations for club drug use beyond dance clubs, such as festivals, beach parties, house parties and chill out or after parties.7Duff, C. (2005), Party drugs and party people: examining the ‘normalization’ of recreational drug use in Melbourne, Australia, International Journal of Drug Policy , 16 , 3, pp.161-170. The verb “to party” has also evolved to become a euphemistic term for the consumption of party drugs.

Multi Agency Safety Testing

Multi Agency Testing Service (MAST) is a term coined by Measham with reference to the Loop’s drug safety testing introduced to UK festivals in 2016. Drug safety testing allows members of the public to anonymously submit samples of concern and receive their test results in real time, often as part of a counselling session. With MAST there are specific emphases on a) multi agency collaboration and b) professional partnerships, with all stakeholder groups directly involved in the service delivery from design and implementation through to evaluation. Samples are analysed by chemists in pop-up labs at leisure events and receive their test results as part of individualised harm reduction brief interventions delivered by qualified and experienced healthcare professionals. Furthermore, and distinct from some European, North American and Australasian drug safety testing services, integral to MAST is that firstly, it is not a peer to peer service, and secondly, test data is shared on a daily basis with on- and off-site agencies including police and public health, and to the wider public via social media, for maximum benefit.